g one of the speeches listed below (Available in next page) write a max 1500 word piece that reflects on the history of making peace and/or war.

Usin
You
should
complete
one
of
the
following
tasks:
1. This
unit
has
critically
investigated
and
historicised
the
categories
through
which
war
and
peace
have
been
made
in
the
past
(nation,
empire,
gender,
emotion,
sexuality
etc
etc).
In
essay
form,
explain
how
historically
contingent
understandings
of
one
or
more
of
those
categories
operate
in
one
speech.
You
could
either
interrogate
the
political
inclusions
and
exclusions
of
their
rhetoric,
or,
offer
an
account
of
the
different
ways
in
which
a
central
category
of
war/peace-­-making
have
operated
in
the
past
in
order
to
bring
a
sense
of
contingency
to
this
speech.
2. Write
an
open
letter
to
the
political
leader
who
delivered
one
of
these
speeches;
use
historical
examples
to
reveal
the
historical
contingency
of
how
they
understand
war
making
and
peace
making.1
Selected
Speeches:
(Full
speeches
are
available
next
page.)
US
Secretary
of
State,
Hillary
Rodham
Clinton

Address
to
Georgetown
University
[excerpts]
Washington,
US
19
December
2011
Indian
Prime
Minister
Manmohan
Singh

Address
at
the
Birth
Anniversary
Celebrations
of
Netaji
Subhash
Chandra
Bose
23
January
2007
New
Dehli,
India
Australian
Prime
Minister
John
Howard

Anzac
Day
Addresses
[Consider
these
speeches
together]
25
April,
2001
and
2005
US
President
Bush

Address
to
Congress
[excerpts]
Washington,
United
States
20
September
2001
Your
essay:
• Must
draw
upon
material
from
the
source
list.
• Must
reflect
on
some
of
the
dominant
themes/keywords
from
the
unit
(such
as
memory,
colonialism,
gender,
sexuality,
emotion,
identity,
nationalism).
Your
essay
will
be
assessed
according
to
the
following
criteria
• Historical
knowledge
and
understanding
• Coherence
of
argument
/
central
claim
• Use
of
evidence
• Originality
• Communication
• Referencing
and
presentation
1
Write
this
letter
as
if
it
would
be
published
in
a
newspaper
so
use
direct
quotes
from
secondary
sources
sparingly
at
most.
You
should,
however,
provide
footnotes
that
clearly
demonstrate
where
you
located
the
evidence
within
the
unit
materials
-­-
lectures,
readings
or
tutorial
discussions
Prime
Minister
John
Howard

ANZAC
Parade
Address
25
April,
2001
Canberra,
Australia
All
over
Australia,
all
over
the
world
today,
our
countrymen
and
women
are
gathering
-­-
drawn
together
almost
by
instinct,
by
a
great
silent
summons
to
repay
a
debt
to
the
past.
Each
year
the
numbers
of
us
grow.
Each
year,
more
and
more
young
Australians
hear
the
call,
though
far
removed,
in
time
and
circumstance,
from
those
they
seek
to
honour.
The
story
of
Anzac
is
a
remarkable
one.
At
Gallipoli
itself,
amid
the
mud
of
France
and
Flanders,
in
the
heroic
defence
of
Greece
and
Crete
exactly
60
years
ago,
in
Korea
exactly
50
years
ago,
in
deserts
and
in
jungles,
in
air
battles
and
on
broad
ocean
seas
throughout
the
world,
Australians
have
shown
themselves
willing
to
fight,
and
if
need
be
die,
for
the
cause
of
freedom.
Australian
courage
has
ensured
that
foreign
names
like
Beersheba
and
Villers
Bretonneux,
Tobruk
and
Changi,
Kapyong
and
Long
Tan
have
become
for
this
nation
treasured
mementos
of
a
past
rich
and
steeped
in
great
bravery.
Yet,
Anzac
Day
should
not
only
be
about
the
past.
We
would
be
a
shallow
people
if
all
we
sought
on
this
day
each
year,
was
to
bask
in
the
pale
reflected
glory
of
others’
deeds.
We
would
be
foolish
if
we
felt
our
own
safety
assured
by
the
service
and
sacrifice
of
earlier
generations.
Australians
are
neither
shallow
nor
foolish.
Today
we
do
pay
homage
to
those
men
and
women
who
either
offered
or
gave
their
lives
in
war.
We
remember
the
fallen
and
give
grateful
thanks
to
the
veterans
among
us.
In
the
words
of
the
War
Memorial’s
founder,
Dr
Charles
Bean,
“their
story
rises,
as
it
will
always
rise,
above
the
mists
of
ages,
a
monument
to
great-­-hearted
men
and
for
their
nation,
a
possession
forever”.
And
also
today
we
think
of
those
still
abroad
in
our
name
in
places
such
as
East
Timor
and
Bougainville.
But,
as
importantly,
we
gather
in
ever-­-increasing
numbers
to
each
pledge
anew
our
determination,
not
merely
to
dwell
upon
the
legacy
of
the
past,
but
also
to
build
upon
it.
To
extend
a
culture
of
proud
self-­-reliance
and
personal
initiative;
create
a
just
society
where
an
individual’s
rights
are
respected
but
their
responsibilities
are
also
recognised;
offer
our
children,
and
their
children,
all
the
possibilities
of
the
world
should
they
only
have
the
heart
and
the
will
to
grasp
them;
and
to
build
strong
communities
where
men
and
women
strive
together
for
the
common
good
and
none
need
live
in
fear
or
isolation.
We
gather
to
be
reminded
of
the
values
so
evident
among
Australians
in
time
of
war
and
adversity
but
that
we
too
can
use
to
face
the
challenges
within
our
own
lives.
Courage,
unity
of
purpose,
compassion
and
selflessness
-­-
these
virtues,
so
compelling
and
so
commonplace
amid
the
horror
of
battle,
seem
to
subside
so
often
in
the
calm
of
peace.
Anzac
Day
reminds
us
all
that
it
need
not
be
so.
Anzac
Day
reminds
us
that
we
each
have
a
task
before
us.
Blessedly,
not
to
fight
new
wars,
not
to
bear
the
loss
of
sons
and
daughters,
but
to
use
the
peace
and
prosperity
purchased
for
us
at
so
high
a
price.
Anzac
Day
reminds
us
that
our
nation
is
capable
of
the
most
extraordinary
achievements
if
only
we
dare
to
reach
them.
Just
after
World
War
I
drew
to
its
bloody
close,
as
the
troop
ships
brought
home
our
heroes,
a
young
Australian
poet
asked
how
those
of
us,
unscarred
by
battle,
unmarked
by
war,
could
ever
hope
to
repay
the
debt
we
owe.
Her
answer
is
as
true
today
as
it
was
then.
As
true
for
us
as
it
was
for
those
who
waited
the
arrival
of
those
troop
ships.
She
wrote:
“Let
us
make
haste
and
let
us
build
great
worlds
with
strength
and
wonder
filled,
Then
shall
they
know
their
peace
has
come”
Australian
Prime
Minister
John
Howard

ANZAC
Day
Address
25
April,
2005
Gallipoli,
Turkey.
Ninety
years
ago,
as
dawn
began
to
break,
the
first
sons
of
a
young
nation
assailed
these
shores.
These
young
Australians,
with
their
New
Zealand
comrades,
had
come
to
do
their
bit
in
a
maelstrom
not
of
their
making.
Over
eight
impossible
months,
they
forged
a
legend
whose
grip
on
us
grows
tighter
with
each
passing
year.
In
the
hills,
ridges
and
gullies
above
us
the
Anzacs
fought,
died,
dug
in
and
hung
on.
Here
they
won
a
compelling
place
in
the
Australian
story.
Today
we
remember
the
50,000
Australians
who
served
in
the
Gallipoli
campaign.
And
the
more
than
26,000
who
fell
or
were
wounded
here.
We
remember,
too,
the
sons
of
New
Zealand
who
died
and
suffered.
And
let
us
not
forget
the
sons
of
Britain,
France,
India,
Newfoundland
and
of
course
Turkey,
who
died
in
their
countless
thousands
on
this
peninsula.
Gallipoli
began
our
involvement
in
a
cataclysm
that
would
cut
down
the
youth
not
only
of
Australia
but
of
many
countries
across
the
world.
Nearly
two
thirds
of
the
330,000
Australians
who
served
abroad
in
the
Great
War
would
become
casualties.
Sixty
thousand
would
never
see
Australia
again.
We
remember
today
a
century
of
Australian
sacrifice,
the
more
than
100,000
Australians
who
have
died
in
war
and
for
peace
in
our
name.
From
Villers
Bretonneux
to
Tobruk,
Kokoda
to
Long
Tan
and
Afghanistan.
Those
who
fought
here
in
places
like
Quinn’s
Post,
Pope’s
Hill
and
the
Nek
changed
forever
the
way
we
saw
our
world
and
ourselves.
They
bequeathed
Australia
a
lasting
sense
of
national
identity.
They
sharpened
our
democratic
temper
and
our
questioning
eye
towards
authority.
We
used
to
say
that
the
ranks
of
the
original
Anzacs
were
thinning
with
each
passing
year.
They
are
all
gone
now.
Now
what
swells
with
each
Anzac
season
is
a
hunger
for
their
stories.
Now
we
remember
them
not
as
old
soldiers
but
as
young
Australians,
often
from
the
same
suburbs,
streets,
districts
and
towns
that
we
come
from.
Just
as
many
of
you
have
come
here
today
with
your
brothers
and
your
mates,
so
it
was
90
years
ago
that
the
young
of
Australia
surged
forward
to
enlist
along
with
their
brothers
and
their
mates.
We
imagine
young
men
swimming
amidst
death
and
danger,
anything
to
escape
the
heat,
the
fatigue,
the
flies
and
the
lice.
We
think
especially
this
morning
of
the
families
broken
here
and
in
other
foreign
fields.
James
and
Janet
Hallahan
of
Western
Australia
sent
four
sons
to
the
Great
War.
Three
never
came
home.
One
of
them,
Wally,
survived
Gallipoli
and
the
Western
Front
only
to
be
killed
in
the
final
exchanges
of
November
1918.
History
helps
us
to
remember
but
the
spirit
of
Anzac
is
greater
than
a
debt
to
past
deeds.
It
lives
on
in
the
valour
and
the
sacrifice
of
young
men
and
women
that
ennoble
Australia
in
our
time,
in
scrub
in
the
Solomons,
in
the
villages
of
Timor,
in
the
deserts
of
Iraq
and
the
coast
of
Nias.
It
lives
on
through
a
nation’s
easy
familiarity,
through
Australians
looking
out
for
each
other,
through
courage
and
compassion
in
the
face
of
adversity.
And
so
we
dedicate
ourselves
at
this
hour,
at
this
place,
not
just
to
the
memory
of
Anzac
but
to
its
eternal
place
in
the
Australian
soul.
Soon
we
go
to
Lone
Pine
where
the
names
of
almost
half
of
our
Gallipoli
casualties
are
recorded.
One
of
them
buried
there
is
Noel
Edwards
of
Bendigo,
who
took
part
in
that
charge
against
Turkish
trenches.
Before
heading
into
‘No
Mans
Land’,
Noel
shared
a
meal
with
his
two
mates–Gil
Dyett
and
Curly
Symons.
Gil
was
severely
wounded
in
the
attack;
Curly
was
to
win
a
Victoria
Cross;
Noel
fell
at
the
place
the
Turks
called
the
Ridge
of
Blood.
After
the
war,
Noel’s
mother
Harriett
penned
some
words
that
evoke
the
painful
loss
of
life’s
promise.
That
echo
down
the
ages
and
remind
us
why
we
are
here:
How
shall
I
miss
him

when
from
overseas
The
Anzacs
come
‘mid
shouts
of
victory;
When
eager
voices
answering
smiles
awake,
And
hands
press
hands
for
old
remembrance
sake.
Full
many
a
face
will
wear
a
mask
of
joy,
With
heartstrings
aching
for
the
absent
boy.
In
our
time–and
for
all
time–we
will
remember
them.
Indian
Prime
Minister
Manmohan
Singh

Address
at
the
Birth
Anniversary
Celebrations
of
Netaji
Subhash
Chandra
Bose
23
January
2007
New
Dehli,
India
It
is
a
great
honour
and
privilege
for
me
to
participate
in
these
celebrations
of
the
birth
anniversary
of
Netaji
Subhash
Chandra
Bose.
Netaji
Bose
was
one
of
the
tallest
leaders
of
our
freedom
struggle.
A
great
son
of
India,
he
was
also
a
great
citizen
of
the
world.
The
image
of
Netaji
as
a
restless
young
man
driven
by
the
sole
cause
of
freedom
of
India
endures
in
the
popular
imagination
of
our
countrymen.
There
was
in
him
the
fire
and
the
zeal
to
pursue
that
single
goal
with
firm
sense
of
determination.
Any
obstacle
in
his
way
was
never
regarded
as
insurmountable.
He
had
a
fiercely
independent
mind
and
refused
to
follow
the
beaten
track.
On
one
occasion
he
wrote,
“There
is
nothing
that
lures
me
more
than
a
life
of
adventure
away
from
the
beaten
track
and
in
search
of
the
unknown.
In
this
life
there
may
be
suffering,
but
there
is
joy
as
well;
there
may
be
darkness,
but
there
are
also
hours
of
dawn.
To
this
path
I
call
my
countrymen.”
Netaji
was
impatient
in
his
desire
to
liberate
our
country
from
foreign
rule.
He
left
the
coveted
Indian
Civil
Service,
joined
the
freedom
movement
and
displayed
rare
sense
of
heroism
in
the
relentless
pursuit
of
his
goal.
He
united
Indians
of
all
faiths,
all
communities
and
languages
and
gave
shape
to
the
idea
of
a
modern
resurgent
India.
This
year
is
also
the
150th
anniversary
of
the
first
war
of
independence.
Netaji
was
inspired
by
its
example
when
he
created
the
famous
Azad
Hind
Fauj.
Netaji
glowingly
referred
to
the
first
war
of
independence
and
urged
his
soldiers
to
fulfil
the
unfinished
task
of
the
sepoys
of
1857.
One
of
the
regiments
of
the
Indian
National
Army
was
named
Rani
Jhansi
Regiment.
Netaji’s
clarion
call
“Dilli
Challo,”
echoed
the
call
to
arms
of
1857
and
inspired
the
whole
Nation
once
more.
He
dreamt
of
hoisting
the
tricolour
on
the
ramparts
of
the
Red
Fort.
But
instead
his
men
were
tried
in
that
Fort.
Jawaharlal
Nehru
put
on
the
robes
of
a
barrister
and
defended
gallant
young
men.
Ironically
that
trial
became
the
trial
of
the
British
Empire.
The
idealism
and
the
spirit
of
sacrifice
of
Netaji
for
the
cause
of
the
nation
remains
the
high
point
of
our
struggle
for
independence.
Netaji
once
wrote,
“…
no
suffering,
no
sacrifice
is
ever
futile.
It
is
through
suffering
and
sacrifice
alone
that
a
cause
can
flourish
and
prosper,
and
in
every
age
and
clime,
the
eternal
law
prevails,
‘the
blood
of
the
martyr
is
the
seed
of
the
church’.”
Today
we
salute
that
suffering
and
sacrifice
of
the
men
and
women
who
marched
under
Netaji’s
command.
Netaji’s
magnetic
personality
also
won
the
admiration
of
Mahatma
Gandhi
and
Jawaharlal
Nehru.
Though
Mahatma
Gandhi,
the
apostle
of
non-­-violence,
rejected
Netaji’s
methods,
he
always
admired
his
zeal,
his
commitment,
his
patriotism
and
his
nationalism.
Gandhiji
once
observed:
“the
greatest
lesson
that
we
can
draw
from
Netaji’s
life
is
the
way
in
which
he
infused
the
spirit
of
unity
amongst
his
men
so
that
they
could
rise
above
all
religions
and
provincial
barriers
and
shed
together
their
blood
for
common
cause.”
It
is
this
spirit
that
is
required
today
to
take
our
country
forward.
To
help
us
pursue
a
more
inclusive
and
equitable
path
to
social,
economic
progress.
The
national
movement
forged
the
unity
of
our
diverse
land.
It
brought
people
of
diverse
faiths,
diverse
creeds,
diverse
languages
together.
Both
Mahatma
Gandhi
and
Netaji
Subhash
Chandra
Bose
remained
deeply
committed
to
Hindu-­-
Muslim
unity
and
amity.
They
were
both
deeply
spiritual
men,
but
equally
secular.
They
understood
that
India’s
great
contribution
to
humankind
is
the
idea
of
“Sarva
Dharma
Sambhava”.
In
celebrating
Netaji’s
birth
anniversary
we
also
celebrate
the
ideas
and
principles
we
associate
with
him
and
our
national
movement
for
freedom.
We
recall
his
extraordinary
courage
as
the
Supreme
Commander
of
the
Indian
National
Army,
but
we
also
recall
his
constructive
approach
to
nation
building.
That
vision
of
Netaji
has
immense
relevance
for
the
21st
century
and
for
our
fight
against
the
forces
of
communalism,
terrorism
and
extremism.
While
commemorating
Netaji’s
birth
anniversary
I
am
reminded
of
his
historic
statement
concerning
the
processes
of
nation
building.
He
was
in
favour
of
guaranteeing
rights
to
all
citizens.
But
at
the
same
time
he
stressed
on
taking
special
measures
for
minorities
and
other
disadvantaged
sections
of
society.
As
the
President
of
the
Indian
National
Congress
in
1938,
he
articulated
a
vision
that
is
of
abiding
relevance.
Netaji’s
view
that
all
minority
communities
be
allowed
their
due
space
in
cultural
as
well
as
governmental
affairs
testified
to
his
humanism
and
commitment
to
egalitarian
values.
A
commitment
to
equity
is
not
appeasement.
It
is
a
mark
of
one’s
commitment
to
humanism.
Netaji
had
a
sense
of
history
and
a
far-­-sighted
vision
of
India’s
place
in
the
world.
As
far
back
as
1929,
he
said
:
“History
tells
us
how
Asia
conquered
and
held
sway
over
large
portions
of
Europe.
The
tables
are
turned
now
but
the
wheel
of
fortune
is
still
moving
………Time
is
not
far
off
when
a
rejuvenated
Asia
will
be
resplendent
in
power
and
glory
and
take
her
legitimate
place
in
the
comity
of
free
nations.”
Netaji
Subhash
Bose
had
many
firsts
to
his
credit.
He
was
one
of
the
first
leaders
of
our
country
who
cautioned
the
nation
about
population
growth
in
the
1930s
and
suggested
steps
for
controlling
it.
His
historic
decision
to
establish,
for
the
first
time
in
our
history,
the
National
Planning
Committee
under
the
Chairmanship
of
Pt.
Jawaharlal
Nehru
made
him
one
of
the
key
architects
of
planning
in
our
country.
He
interacted
with
a
wide
spectrum
of
public
figures
including
economists
and
scientists.
He
wanted
to
build
modern
India
as
much
on
the
firm
base
of
industrialization
and
science
and
technology
as
on
our
ancient
culture
and
civilization.
Much
has
been
said
about
the
differences
between
Netaji
Subhash
Bose
with
Mahatma
Gandhi.
But
much
has
not
been
said
about
their
common
approach
and
vision
of
a
free
India.
It
was
Netaji
who,
as
the
Supreme
Commander
of
the
Indian
National
Army,
had
named
its
various
brigades
as
Nehru
Brigade,
Azad
Brigade,
etc.
From
the
battlefield,
he
sent
a
message
to
Gandhiji
addressing
him,
probably
for
the
first
time,
as
the
Father
of
our
Nation.
He
sought
Gandhiji’s
blessings
and
good
wishes
for
his
Herculean
endeavours.
In
1945
Mahatma
Gandhi
wrote
in
the
Harijan,
“The
hypnotism
of
Indian
National
Army
has
cast
a
spell
on
us.
Netaji’s
name
is
one
to
conjure
with.
His
bravery
shines
above
all.”
Let
us
all
today
bow
our
heads
before
his
bravery
and
leadership
in
our
struggle
for
Independence.
In
paying
tribute
to
his
memory,
and
on
the
eve
of
Republic
Day,
let
us
be
imbued
with
the
values
of
our
freedom
struggle
and
rededicate
ourselves
to
the
cause
of
India’s
progress.
Jai
Hind.
US
Secretary
of
State,
Hillary
Rodham
Clinton

Address
to
Georgetown
University
[excerpts]
Washington,
US
19
December
2011
Thank
you.
Well,
it
is
wonderful
to
be
back
at
Georgetown
to
give
all
of
the
students
an
excuse
not
to
keep
studying
for
their
last
finals.
(Laughter.)
That’s
what
accounts
for
the
enthusiastic
response
here
in
Gaston
Hall.
[…]
I
also
want
to
recognize
all
the
members
of
our
Armed
Forces
who
are
with
us
today.
I’d
like
to
give
them
all
a
round
of
applause.
(Applause.)
All
of
you
and
those
who
you
are
serving
with
and
leading
are
on
our
minds
and
in
our
hearts
this
holiday
season.
This
is,
after
all,
a
time
when
we
are
called
upon
to
think
more
deeply
about
peace
and
what
more
we
can
do
to
try
to
achieve
it.
And
we
also
think
about
security
and
what
kind
of
a
gift
we
can
give
to
future
generations
so
that
they
too
have
the
opportunities
that
all
of
us
enjoy.
Today,
I
want
to
focus
on
one
aspect
of
peacemaking
that
too
often
goes
overlooked

the
role
of
women
in
ending
conflict
and
building
lasting
security.
Some
of
you
may
have
watched
a
week
ago
Saturday
as
three
remarkable
women

two
from
Liberia,
one
from
Yemen

accepted
the
Nobel
Peace
Prize
in
Oslo.
For
years,
many
of
us
have
tried
to
show
the
world
that
women
are
not
just
victims
of
war;
they
are
agents
of
peace.
And
that
was
the
wisdom
behind
the
historic
UN
Security
Council
Resolution
1325,
which
was
adopted
a
decade
ago
but
whose
promise
remains
largely
unfulfilled.
So
it
was
deeply
heartening
to
see
those
three
women
command
the
global
spotlight
and
urge
the
international
community
to
adopt
an
approach
to
making
peace
that
includes
women
as
full
and
equal
partners.
[…]
And
that
is
why,
in
a
speech
that
I
delivered
in
New
York
on
Friday
night,
I
highlighted
the
growing
body
of
evidence
that
shows
how
women
around
the
world
contribute
to
making
and
keeping
peace,
and
that
these
contributions
lead
to
better
outcomes
for
entire
societies.
From
Northern
Ireland
to
Liberia
to
Nepal
and
many
places
in
between,
we
have
seen
that
when
women
participate
in
peace
processes,
they
focus
discussion
on
issues
like
human
rights,
justice,
national
reconciliation,
and
economic
renewal
that
are
critical
to
making
peace,
but
often
are
overlooked
in
formal
negotiations.
They
build
coalitions
across
ethnic
and
sectarian
lines,
and
they
speak
up
for
other
marginalized
groups.
They
act
as
mediators
and
help
to
foster
compromise.
And
when
women
organize
in
large
numbers,
they
galvanize
opinion
and
help
change
the
course
of
history.
Think
of
those
remarkable
women
in
Liberia
who
marched
and
sang
and
prayed
until
their
countries’
warring
factions
finally
agreed
to
end
their
conflict
and
move
toward
democracy.
If
you
have
seen
the
movie

and
if
you
haven’t,
I
highly
recommend
it

it’s
called
Pray
The
Devil
Back
To
Hell

you
know
that
these
brave
women
literally
laid
siege
to
the
negotiations
until
the
men
inside
the
rooms
signed
a
deal.
Now
I
know
some
of
you
may
be
thinking
to
yourself,
“Well,
there
she
goes
again.
Hillary
Clinton
always
talks
about
women,
and
why
should
I
or
anyone
else
really
care?”
Well,
you
should
care
because
this
is
not
just
a
woman’s
issue.
It
cannot
be
relegated
to
the
margins
of
international
affairs.
It
truly
does
cut
to
the
heart
of
our
national
security
and
the
security
of
people
everywhere,
because
the
sad
fact
is
that
the
way
the
international
community
tries
to
build
peace
and
security
today
just
isn’t
getting
the
job
done.
Dozens
of
active
conflicts
are
raging
around
the
world,
undermining
regional
and
global
stability,
and
ravaging
entire
populations.
And
more
than
half
of
all
peace
agreements
fail
within
five
years.
At
the
same
time,
women
are
too
often
excluded
from
both
the
negotiations
that
make
peace
and
the
institutions
that
maintain
it.
Now
of
course,
some
women
wield
weapons
of
war

that’s
true

and
many
more
are
victims
of
it.
But
too
few
are
empowered
to
be
instruments
of
peace
and
security.
That
is
an
unacceptable
waste
of
talent
and
of
opportunity
for
the
rest
of
us
as
well.
Across
the
Middle
East
and
North
Africa,
nations
are
emerging
from
revolution
and
beginning
the
transition
to
democracy.
And
here
too,
women
are
being
excluded
and
increasingly
even
targeted.
Recent
events
in
Egypt
have
been
particularly
shocking.
Women
are
being
beaten
and
humiliated
in
the
same
streets
where
they
risked
their
lives
for
the
revolution
only
a
few
short
months
ago.
And
this
is
part
of
a
deeply
troubling
pattern.
Egyptian
women
have
been
largely
shut
out
of
decision-­-making
in
the
transition
by
both
the
military
authorities
and
the
major
political
parties.
At
the
same
time,
they
have
been
specifically
targeted
both
by
security
forces
and
by
extremists.
[…]
Excluding
women
means
excluding
the
entire
wealth
of
knowledge,
experience,
and
talent
we
can
offer.
So
the
United
States
will
use
the
full
weight
of
our
diplomacy
to
push
combatants
and
mediators
to
include
women
as
equal
partners
in
peace
negotiations.
We
will
work
with
civil
society
to
help
women
and
other
leaders
give
voice
to
the
voiceless.
And
we
will
also
help
countries
affected
by
conflict
design
laws,
policies,
and
practices
that
promote
gender
equality
so
that
women
can
be
partners
in
rebuilding
their
societies
after
the
violence
ends.
[…]
And
I’m
very
proud
that
we
have
several
female
flag
and
general
officers
with
us
today,
living
proof
of
how
important
women
are
to
American
national
security.
In
today’s
military,
women
are
leading
carrier
strike
groups,
expeditionary
strike
groups,
and
numbered
air
forces.
They
are
on
the
frontlines,
defending
our
country,
responding
to
disasters,
and
working
with
our
allies
and
our
partners.
[…]
Thank
you
for
deciding
to
be
part
of
the
solution,
and
I
now
look
forward
to
taking
some
questions
about
how
we
can
chart
this
new
approach
together.
US
President
Bush

Address
to
Congress
Washington,
United
States
20
September
2001
Mr.
Speaker,
Mr.
President
Pro
Tempore,
members
of
Congress,
and
fellow
Americans,
in
the
normal
course
of
events,
presidents
come
to
this
chamber
to
report
on
the
state
of
the
union.
Tonight,
no
such
report
is
needed;
it
has
already
been
delivered
by
the
American
people.
We
have
seen
it
in
the
courage
of
passengers
who
rushed
terrorists
to
save
others
on
the
ground.
Passengers
like
an
exceptional
man
named
Todd
Beamer.
And
would
you
please
help
me
welcome
his
wife
Lisa
Beamer
here
tonight?
We
have
seen
the
state
of
our
union
in
the
endurance
of
rescuers
working
past
exhaustion.
We’ve
seen
the
unfurling
of
flags,
the
lighting
of
candles,
the
giving
of
blood,
the
saying
of
prayers
in
English,
Hebrew
and
Arabic.
We
have
seen
the
decency
of
a
loving
and
giving
people
who
have
made
the
grief
of
strangers
their
own.
My
fellow
citizens,
for
the
last
nine
days,
the
entire
world
has
seen
for
itself
the
state
of
union,
and
it
is
strong.
Tonight,
we
are
a
country
awakened
to
danger
and
called
to
defend
freedom.
Our
grief
has
turned
to
anger
and
anger
to
resolution.
Whether
we
bring
our
enemies
to
justice
or
bring
justice
to
our
enemies,
justice
will
be
done.
I
thank
the
Congress
for
its
leadership
at
such
an
important
time.
All
of
America
was
touched
on
the
evening
of
the
tragedy
to
see
Republicans
and
Democrats
joined
together
on
the
steps
of
this
Capitol
singing
“God
Bless
America.”
[…]
And
on
behalf
of
the
American
people,
I
thank
the
world
for
its
outpouring
of
support.
[…]
On
September
the
11th,
enemies
of
freedom
committed
an
act
of
war
against
our
country.
Americans
have
known
wars,
but
for
the
past
136
years
they
have
been
wars
on
foreign
soil,
except
for
one
Sunday
in
1941.
Americans
have
known
the
casualties
of
war,
but
not
at
the
center
of
a
great
city
on
a
peaceful
morning.
Aericans
have
known
surprise
attacks,
but
never
before
on
thousands
of
civilians.
All
of
this
was
brought
upon
us
in
a
single
day,
and
night
fell
on
a
different
world,
a
world
where
freedom
itself
is
under
attack.
Americans
have
many
questions
tonight.
Americans
are
asking,
“Who
attacked
our
country?”
The
evidence
we
have
gathered
all
points
to
a
collection
of
loosely
affiliated
terrorist
organizations
known
as
al
Qaeda.
They
are
some
of
the
murderers
indicted
for
bombing
American
embassies
in
Tanzania
and
Kenya
and
responsible
for
bombing
the
USS
Cole.
Al
Qaeda
is
to
terror
what
the
Mafia
is
to
crime.
But
its
goal
is
not
making
money,
its
goal
is
remaking
the
world
and
imposing
its
radical
beliefs
on
people
everywhere.
The
terrorists
practice
a
fringe
form
of
Islamic
extremism
that
has
been
rejected
by
Muslim
scholars
and
the
vast
majority
of
Muslim
clerics;
a
fringe
movement
that
perverts
the
peaceful
teachings
of
Islam.
The
terrorists’
directive
commands
them
to
kill
Christians
and
Jews,
to
kill
all
Americans
and
make
no
distinctions
among
military
and
civilians,
including
women
and
children.
This
group
and
its
leader,
a
person
named
Osama
bin
Laden,
are
linked
to
many
other
organizations
in
different
countries,
including
the
Egyptian
Islamic
Jihad,
the
Islamic
Movement
of
Uzbekistan.
There
are
thousands
of
these
terrorists
in
more
than
60
countries.
They
are
recruited
from
their
own
nations
and
neighborhoods
and
brought
to
camps
in
places
like
Afghanistan
where
they
are
trained
in
the
tactics
of
terror.
They
are
sent
back
to
their
homes
or
sent
to
hide
in
countries
around
the
world
to
plot
evil
and
destruction.
The
leadership
of
al
Qaeda
has
great
influence
in
Afghanistan
and
supports
the
Taliban
regime
in
controlling
most
of
that
country.
In
Afghanistan
we
see
al
Qaeda’s
vision
for
the
world.
Afghanistan’s
people
have
been
brutalized,
many
are
starving
and
many
have
fled.
Women
are
not
allowed
to
attend
school.
You
can
be
jailed
for
owning
a
television.
Religion
can
be
practiced
only
as
their
leaders
dictate.
A
man
can
be
jailed
in
Afghanistan
if
his
beard
is
not
long
enough.
The
United
States
respects
the
people
of
Afghanistan
-­–­-
after
all,
we
are
currently
its
largest
source
of
humanitarian
aid
-­–­-
but
we
condemn
the
Taliban
regime.
[…]
The
Taliban
must
act
and
act
immediately.
They
will
hand
over
the
terrorists
or
they
will
share
in
their
fate.
I
also
want
to
speak
tonight
directly
to
Muslims
throughout
the
world.
We
respect
your
faith.
It’s
practiced
freely
by
many
millions
of
Americans
and
by
millions
more
in
countries
that
America
counts
as
friends.
Its
teachings
are
good
and
peaceful,
and
those
who
commit
evil
in
the
name
of
Allah
blaspheme
the
name
of
Allah.
The
terrorists
are
traitors
to
their
own
faith,
trying,
in
effect,
to
hijack
Islam
itself.
The
enemy
of
America
is
not
our
many
Muslim
friends.
It
is
not
our
many
Arab
friends.
Our
enemy
is
a
radical
network
of
terrorists
and
every
government
that
supports
them.
Our
war
on
terror
begins
with
al
Qaeda,
but
it
does
not
end
there.
It
will
not
end
until
every
terrorist
group
of
global
reach
has
been
found,
stopped
and
defeated.
Americans
are
asking
“Why
do
they
hate
us?”
They
hate
what
they
see
right
here
in
this
chamber:
a
democratically
elected
government.
Their
leaders
are
self-­-appointed.
They
hate
our
freedoms:
our
freedom
of
religion,
our
freedom
of
speech,
our
freedom
to
vote
and
assemble
and
disagree
with
each
other.
They
want
to
overthrow
existing
governments
in
many
Muslim
countries
such
as
Egypt,
Saudi
Arabia
and
Jordan.
They
want
to
drive
Israel
out
of
the
Middle
East.
They
want
to
drive
Christians
and
Jews
out
of
vast
regions
of
Asia
and
Africa.
These
terrorists
kill
not
merely
to
end
lives,
but
to
disrupt
and
end
a
way
of
life.
With
every
atrocity,
they
hope
that
America
grows
fearful,
retreating
from
the
world
and
forsaking
our
friends.
They
stand
against
us
because
we
stand
in
their
way.
We’re
not
deceived
by
their
pretenses
to
piety.
We
have
seen
their
kind
before.
They’re
the
heirs
of
all
the
murderous
ideologies
of
the
20th
century.
By
sacrificing
human
life
to
serve
their
radical
visions,
by
abandoning
every
value
except
the
will
to
power,
they
follow
in
the
path
of
fascism,
Nazism
and
totalitarianism.
And
they
will
follow
that
path
all
the
way
to
where
it
ends
in
history’s
unmarked
grave
of
discarded
lies.
[…]
Our
response
involves
far
more
than
instant
retaliation
and
isolated
strikes.
Americans
should
not
expect
one
battle,
but
a
lengthy
campaign
unlike
any
other
we
have
ever
seen.
It
may
include
dramatic
strikes
visible
on
TV
and
covert
operations
secret
even
in
success.
We
will
starve
terrorists
of
funding,
turn
them
one
against
another,
drive
them
from
place
to
place
until
there
is
no
refuge
or
no
rest.
And
we
will
pursue
nations
that
provide
aid
or
safe
haven
to
terrorism.
Every
nation
in
every
region
now
has
a
decision
to
make:
Either
you
are
with
us
or
you
are
with
the
terrorists.
From
this
day
forward,
any
nation
that
continues
to
harbor
or
support
terrorism
will
be
regarded
by
the
United
States
as
a
hostile
regime.
Our
nation
has
been
put
on
notice,
we’re
not
immune
from
attack.
We
will
take
defensive
measures
against
terrorism
to
protect
Americans.
Today,
dozens
of
federal
departments
and
agencies,
as
well
as
state
and
local
governments,
have
responsibilities
affecting
homeland
security.
[…]
This
is
not,
however,
just
America’s
fight.
And
what
is
at
stake
is
not
just
America’s
freedom.
This
is
the
world’s
fight.
This
is
civilization’s
fight.
This
is
the
fight
of
all
who
believe
in
progress
and
pluralism,
tolerance
and
freedom.
[…]
And
finally,
please
continue
praying
for
the
victims
of
terror
and
their
families,
for
those
in
uniform
and
for
our
great
country.
Prayer
has
comforted
us
in
sorrow
and
will
help
strengthen
us
for
the
journey
ahead.
Tonight
I
thank
my
fellow
Americans
for
what
you
have
already
done
and
for
what
you
will
do.
And
ladies
and
gentlemen
of
the
Congress,
I
thank
you,
their
representatives,
for
what
you
have
already
done
and
for
what
we
will
do
together.
Tonight
we
face
new
and
sudden
national
challenges.
We
will
come
together
to
improve
air
safety,
to
dramatically
expand
the
number
of
air
marshals
on
domestic
flights
and
take
new
measures
to
prevent
hijacking.
We
will
come
together
to
promote
stability
and
keep
our
airlines
flying
with
direct
assistance
during
this
emergency.
We
will
come
together
to
give
law
enforcement
the
additional
tools
it
needs
to
track
down
terror
here
at
home.
We
will
come
together
to
strengthen
our
intelligence
capabilities
to
know
the
plans
of
terrorists
before
they
act
and
to
find
them
before
they
strike.
[…]
After
all
that
has
just
passed,
all
the
lives
taken
and
all
the
possibilities
and
hopes
that
died
with
them,
it
is
natural
to
wonder
if
America’s
future
is
one
of
fear.
Some
speak
of
an
age
of
terror.
I
know
there
are
struggles
ahead
and
dangers
to
face.
But
this
country
will
define
our
times,
not
be
defined
by
them.
As
long
as
the
United
States
of
America
is
determined
and
strong,
this
will
not
be
an
age
of
terror.
This
will
be
an
age
of
liberty
here
and
across
the
world.
Great
harm
has
been
done
to
us.
We
have
suffered
great
loss.
And
in
our
grief
and
anger
we
have
found
our
mission
and
our
moment.
Freedom
and
fear
are
at
war.
The
advance
of
human
freedom,
the
great
achievement
of
our
time
and
the
great
hope
of
every
time,
now
depends
on
us.
Our
nation,
this
generation,
will
lift
the
dark
threat
of
violence
from
our
people
and
our
future.
We
will
rally
the
world
to
this
cause
by
our
efforts,
by
our
courage.
We
will
not
tire,
we
will
not
falter
and
we
will
not
fail.
[…]
I
will
not
forget
the
wound
to
our
country
and
those
who
inflicted
it.
I
will
not
yield,
I
will
not
rest,
I
will
not
relent
in
waging
this
struggle
for
freedom
and
security
for
the
American
people.
The
course
of
this
conflict
is
not
known,
yet
its
outcome
is
certain.
Freedom
and
fear,
justice
and
cruelty,
have
always
been
at
war,
and
we
know
that
God
is
not
neutral
between
them.

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